A year has come and gone. Unmistakably it's been the longest year of my life. The only constant in life is change and that was stamped all over my journey this year. As we come to the end of the year many people are moving on to other phases of their life and I wish them all the best for their future endeavours.
My journey still has some time to go. Yesterday I registered in Methodist College KL to do a 11 month Australian Matriculation program. The sense of deja vu was suffocating as I signed up for college for the 3rd time in 12 months. This time though it'll be the last. If things go according to plans the next 13 months will be my last in Malaysia for a long time to come.
I have just begun my journey and there is a long, windy path left to trek through. Challenges are sure to throng the path and I must watch my step.
To the future then. Happy New Years everyone. May it be a happy, wholesome, enlightening, fulfilling one for you.
Ikut Suka Aku.
There is a man.
A bald man.
A man who represents evil.
Evil you ask?
An unadulterated form of destruction.
Of the very nature that is man.
For what is man but a creature who has choices.
A creature who makes decisions.
A creature who is able to obtain and retain information.
A creature who's very being is defined but his ability to be free.
This freedom comes not cheaply.
A heavy price is paid.
A price that was born by many in the past.
A price that was payable in blood, sweat and tears.
A price we take for granted.
This bald man.
This man of black heart and black blood.
This man who is a cancer.
A lecherous being,
Who feeds off the misery of others.
With his band of merry theives.
They rob, plunder, loot, kill and leave to rot.
All that is sacred.
All that is the effort of us.
All that means something to us.
All of it.
Our duty is simple.
Perform it.
St Augustine (4th Century AD) - An unjust law is no law at all.
A bald man.
A man who represents evil.
Evil you ask?
An unadulterated form of destruction.
Of the very nature that is man.
For what is man but a creature who has choices.
A creature who makes decisions.
A creature who is able to obtain and retain information.
A creature who's very being is defined but his ability to be free.
This freedom comes not cheaply.
A heavy price is paid.
A price that was born by many in the past.
A price that was payable in blood, sweat and tears.
A price we take for granted.
This bald man.
This man of black heart and black blood.
This man who is a cancer.
A lecherous being,
Who feeds off the misery of others.
With his band of merry theives.
They rob, plunder, loot, kill and leave to rot.
All that is sacred.
All that is the effort of us.
All that means something to us.
All of it.
Our duty is simple.
Perform it.
St Augustine (4th Century AD) - An unjust law is no law at all.
Rock The World 8.
How many of you listen to local bands? I mean on a consistent basis. Not like "I heard One Buck Short play that one time". Well I do and I actually BUY local bands' albums (which is a big deal for a unreformed pirate like me.) and go around and see their concerts and stuff.
Anyway, this coming Saturday is the 20th of Dec 2008 and Rock The World 8 is being held at Stadium Merdeka from 12pm to 12am. It's the biggest and best collection of local music talent you'll ever see in KL. So make your presence felt. Support our local music. Tickets are RM27 and can be purchased at the door! Some really big names in local music are going to be there as well including One Buck Short, Estranged, Estrella, Republic of Brickfields, OAG and Koffin Kanser.
Hope to see you all there.
EDIT: Tickets are RM27. Sorry for the error.
O Positive.
Recently I decided to do something good. I decided to donate my rather useful blood. I have O (+) blood and that means I'm an universal donor. Everybody can accept my blood and hopefully the blood I gave goes to help somebody who really needs it.
Me strapped in and ready to roll.
Nervous?
Blood bag filled with 450ml of fresh vampire food.
Patched up and good to go!
Blood donors get free food and a certificate! Haha!
Nervous?
Blood bag filled with 450ml of fresh vampire food.
Patched up and good to go!
Blood donors get free food and a certificate! Haha!Once I saw a blood bag, I was happy. I had done a small part in helping somebody else. That person who that blood bag goes to could be of any skin colour, any religion and any socioeconomic background. He doesn't care who I was. All he will know is that somebody gave blood and he's getting it to help save his life. The blood is colour blind. All our blood is red. My blood is not the Tuan of anyone's and I doubt anyone elses blood is the Tuan either.
Ponder on it for a second.
Ponder on it for a second.
Arise, Malaysiana.
For 51 years,
A false truth has been drummed into the base of our skulls,
A truth that neglects us.
A truth that treats us as if we know not the reality.
But fear not fellow men,
For the equilibrium of nature is such,
That all who seek to oppress,
Shall one day be oppressed.
That all who seek to destroy,
Shall one day be destroyed.
That all who seek to cleave and divide,
Shall one day be divided themselves.
Within us lies a force.
One whose strength is undefeatable.
It is indefatigable, indestructible, unimpendable.
It is known as hunger.
Hunger for the truth.
An awakening is coming.
One of such proportions that the fell cities of the corrupt shall tremble.
The swamp which it is built on crumble,
And the lies shall be swallowed whole into the depths of memories.
The first step was taken.
On the 8th Day of the 3rd Month, we began our march.
Our footsteps reverberate through the paved walkways,
Through the corridors of power,
Through the hallways of decay.
The gloom is lifting,
The clouds are clearing.
Hope is renewed and rekindled.
Together, shoulder to shoulder,
Regardless of trivialities.
Leaving our collars of creed, religion and colour behind.
We March.
Slowly, for the path is windy.
But surely, as the sun rises in the east.
We will arrive at our Victory.
A Victory over tyranny and oppression.
A Victory to savour for all eternity.
A Victory that will unite us.
A Victory that will usher in a New Dawn to the chapter that is Us.
- Vikraman 4/12/08
A false truth has been drummed into the base of our skulls,
A truth that neglects us.
A truth that treats us as if we know not the reality.
But fear not fellow men,
For the equilibrium of nature is such,
That all who seek to oppress,
Shall one day be oppressed.
That all who seek to destroy,
Shall one day be destroyed.
That all who seek to cleave and divide,
Shall one day be divided themselves.
Within us lies a force.
One whose strength is undefeatable.
It is indefatigable, indestructible, unimpendable.
It is known as hunger.
Hunger for the truth.
An awakening is coming.
One of such proportions that the fell cities of the corrupt shall tremble.
The swamp which it is built on crumble,
And the lies shall be swallowed whole into the depths of memories.
The first step was taken.
On the 8th Day of the 3rd Month, we began our march.
Our footsteps reverberate through the paved walkways,
Through the corridors of power,
Through the hallways of decay.
The gloom is lifting,
The clouds are clearing.
Hope is renewed and rekindled.
Together, shoulder to shoulder,
Regardless of trivialities.
Leaving our collars of creed, religion and colour behind.
We March.
Slowly, for the path is windy.
But surely, as the sun rises in the east.
We will arrive at our Victory.
A Victory over tyranny and oppression.
A Victory to savour for all eternity.
A Victory that will unite us.
A Victory that will usher in a New Dawn to the chapter that is Us.
- Vikraman 4/12/08
The Case for Vernacular Schools.
This article is in reference to Mukhriz Mahathir's statement yesterday.
Mukhriz: Close down vernacular schools
Syed Jaymal Zahiid Dec 1, 08 5:43pm
Jerlun member of parliament Mukhriz Mahathir today slammed MCA and Gerakan leaders for ‘overreacting' over the Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) issue.
He blamed the vernacular school system for the polarised society which caused the poor understanding of the Malay supremacy concept among the non-Malays.He was of the opinion that the disunity in the community arose from the different education system and proposed that a single education system be implemented to foster greater unity.
The son of former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad said the issue of Malay supremacy was blown out of proportion due to the poor understanding of both those who spoke in favour and against the concept."I still hear statements are being made about the Ketuanan Melayu concept by BN component party leaders and this have hurt Malay hearts, especially Umno," he told a press conference in Parliament."When these leaders are making this kind of statement it shows that they know nothing of our history or maybe they are trying to act as heroes to their community," he added.Both MCA and Gerakan are senior partners in the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition headed by Umno.
According to Mukhriz, the term Ketuanan Melayu simply meant the sovereignty of the Malay rulers as well as the special position of the Malays in the country."The term Ketuanan Melayu simply refers to the sovereignty of our Malay rulers. When we address them, we call them Tuanku (your highness) and all the races do acknowledge this and they practice it."The concept does not indicate that we Malays are the masters and other races are slaves. The Malays, especially in economy, do not feel like they are the masters," reasoned Mukhriz.
'Component party leaders inviting backlash'
Mukhriz, vying for the Umno Youth chief post in the March party elections, was referring to the Chinese-based MCA's deputy president Chua Soi Lek who had described the Ketuanan Melayu as a Malay supremacy concept that implied a master and servant relationship that he felt was unacceptable.Delivering a speech last week, Chua had also said that the Chinese community can accept "Malay leadership but not Malay supremacy".
Chua was then backed by the president of another Chinese-based BN component party Gerakan, Dr Koh Tsu Koon who had issued a statement calling for Umno to replace the concept of Ketuanan Melayu with the "Malay special position" concept.Mukhriz blasted both Chua and Koh for making such statements and said that these leaders were only inviting strong criticism from their Malay counterparts."That kind of statement shouldn't be coming. They are inviting reactions by making such statements and we should be focusing on fostering unity instead of making such divisive statements. We have our limitations," he said.He further said that it was prerogative that Umno spoke up against "such exaggeration".
He added that the Ketuanan Melayu concept has been widely practiced and accepted as exemplified by the special Malay position enshrined in the federal constitution and other government policies.He also blasted the president of another BN component party, PPP's M Kayveas for issuing a threat to leave the coalition should the Internal Security Act not amended before the next general election."What he said is disrespectful towards the spirit of BN and I am very disappointed with his behaviour," said Mukhriz.
Close down vernacular schools
Mukhriz, who had previously come under fire from his own party for criticising the leadership of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, also offered an explanation on why the misunderstanding about the Ketuanan Melayu existed. He attributed this to a polarised society caused by the current education system. The Umno Youth chief aspirant suggested that the best way to handle this was to foster greater unity and integration of all races at a young age and it has to start with the schools. But he is bound to invite criticism from various quarters with his suggestion that the government did away with the vernacular school system which he felt was divisive. He wanted all students to be streamlined under the Education Ministry and a singular education system be introduced.
"The government can foster greater unity by streamlining all the schools under one education system where the medium of teaching, besides Science and Mathematics, are taught in Bahasa Malaysia."We can make it compulsory that the Chinese and Indians study their own language in their mother tongue while these two languages can be optional for Malay students to learn or we can make it compulsory for students to learn at least three languages," he suggested.
When suggested by reporters that his proposal would most likely invite resistance even from leaders and members of BN, the Umno Youth chief aspirant said that he was only proposing in the name of unity."My suggestion has no other ulterior motives apart from to unite all races," he said. - Malaysiakini 1/12/08
I do not want to touch on anything else on this article except the points about vernacular schools.
Mukhriz contends that vernacular schools contribute to the further racial animosity. I fully agree. 110%. Vernacular schools do contribute to worsening inter-racial relationships because children grow up in an environment surrounded by people only of their racial background. (Although is becoming less the case with inner-city Chinese primary schools.) The crux of the issue here though is not "unifying the student population under the Education Ministry." The crux of the issue here is the quality of education. I am very sure that no educated Non-Malay parent wakes up one day and decides that "My child MUST go to a vernacular school." out of the blue.
It is a calculated decision weighing the pros and the cons. So let's go over the pros and the cons in as far as the current national schools and the current vernacular schools are concerned. As with any fair comparisons we'll give each of the pros a +1 and the cons a -1. (Btw, I attended national schooling from primary through to Form 5.)
PROS.
Vernacular Schools.
Mukhriz: Close down vernacular schools
Syed Jaymal Zahiid Dec 1, 08 5:43pm
Jerlun member of parliament Mukhriz Mahathir today slammed MCA and Gerakan leaders for ‘overreacting' over the Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) issue.
He blamed the vernacular school system for the polarised society which caused the poor understanding of the Malay supremacy concept among the non-Malays.He was of the opinion that the disunity in the community arose from the different education system and proposed that a single education system be implemented to foster greater unity.
The son of former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad said the issue of Malay supremacy was blown out of proportion due to the poor understanding of both those who spoke in favour and against the concept."I still hear statements are being made about the Ketuanan Melayu concept by BN component party leaders and this have hurt Malay hearts, especially Umno," he told a press conference in Parliament."When these leaders are making this kind of statement it shows that they know nothing of our history or maybe they are trying to act as heroes to their community," he added.Both MCA and Gerakan are senior partners in the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition headed by Umno.
According to Mukhriz, the term Ketuanan Melayu simply meant the sovereignty of the Malay rulers as well as the special position of the Malays in the country."The term Ketuanan Melayu simply refers to the sovereignty of our Malay rulers. When we address them, we call them Tuanku (your highness) and all the races do acknowledge this and they practice it."The concept does not indicate that we Malays are the masters and other races are slaves. The Malays, especially in economy, do not feel like they are the masters," reasoned Mukhriz.
'Component party leaders inviting backlash'
Mukhriz, vying for the Umno Youth chief post in the March party elections, was referring to the Chinese-based MCA's deputy president Chua Soi Lek who had described the Ketuanan Melayu as a Malay supremacy concept that implied a master and servant relationship that he felt was unacceptable.Delivering a speech last week, Chua had also said that the Chinese community can accept "Malay leadership but not Malay supremacy".
Chua was then backed by the president of another Chinese-based BN component party Gerakan, Dr Koh Tsu Koon who had issued a statement calling for Umno to replace the concept of Ketuanan Melayu with the "Malay special position" concept.Mukhriz blasted both Chua and Koh for making such statements and said that these leaders were only inviting strong criticism from their Malay counterparts."That kind of statement shouldn't be coming. They are inviting reactions by making such statements and we should be focusing on fostering unity instead of making such divisive statements. We have our limitations," he said.He further said that it was prerogative that Umno spoke up against "such exaggeration".
He added that the Ketuanan Melayu concept has been widely practiced and accepted as exemplified by the special Malay position enshrined in the federal constitution and other government policies.He also blasted the president of another BN component party, PPP's M Kayveas for issuing a threat to leave the coalition should the Internal Security Act not amended before the next general election."What he said is disrespectful towards the spirit of BN and I am very disappointed with his behaviour," said Mukhriz.
Close down vernacular schools
Mukhriz, who had previously come under fire from his own party for criticising the leadership of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, also offered an explanation on why the misunderstanding about the Ketuanan Melayu existed. He attributed this to a polarised society caused by the current education system. The Umno Youth chief aspirant suggested that the best way to handle this was to foster greater unity and integration of all races at a young age and it has to start with the schools. But he is bound to invite criticism from various quarters with his suggestion that the government did away with the vernacular school system which he felt was divisive. He wanted all students to be streamlined under the Education Ministry and a singular education system be introduced.
"The government can foster greater unity by streamlining all the schools under one education system where the medium of teaching, besides Science and Mathematics, are taught in Bahasa Malaysia."We can make it compulsory that the Chinese and Indians study their own language in their mother tongue while these two languages can be optional for Malay students to learn or we can make it compulsory for students to learn at least three languages," he suggested.
When suggested by reporters that his proposal would most likely invite resistance even from leaders and members of BN, the Umno Youth chief aspirant said that he was only proposing in the name of unity."My suggestion has no other ulterior motives apart from to unite all races," he said. - Malaysiakini 1/12/08
I do not want to touch on anything else on this article except the points about vernacular schools.
Mukhriz contends that vernacular schools contribute to the further racial animosity. I fully agree. 110%. Vernacular schools do contribute to worsening inter-racial relationships because children grow up in an environment surrounded by people only of their racial background. (Although is becoming less the case with inner-city Chinese primary schools.) The crux of the issue here though is not "unifying the student population under the Education Ministry." The crux of the issue here is the quality of education. I am very sure that no educated Non-Malay parent wakes up one day and decides that "My child MUST go to a vernacular school." out of the blue.
It is a calculated decision weighing the pros and the cons. So let's go over the pros and the cons in as far as the current national schools and the current vernacular schools are concerned. As with any fair comparisons we'll give each of the pros a +1 and the cons a -1. (Btw, I attended national schooling from primary through to Form 5.)
PROS.
Vernacular Schools.
- Teachers are 100% dedicated to teaching and are capable educators.
- The student is able to learn his mother tongue effectively.
- School administration is professional and competent.
- Massive community support for schools.
- School is proactive in encouraging non-curricular achievement.
- School is not racially stratified.
- Discipline is enforced without fear or favour to all students regardless of race.
- Syllabus focuses on Science and Mathematics.
- Overall academic achievement is higher.
- School and teachers put academic achievement as the highest priority.
- Independent Board of Governors.
National School.
- Facilities are good (West Malaysia only.)
- Students learn English from Standard 1.
- Students learn Science and Maths in English.
CONS.
Vernacular Schools.
- Students are exposed to only one racial group.
- School is too academically orientated.
- School is too competitive and does not give students room to grow as individuals.
- Herd mentality is very strong.
- Facilities are poor.
- Funding is always lacking.
National Schools.
- Teachers are lackadaisical and not dedicated. (Not all but most.)
- Mother tongue education is non-existent. (POL Classes are an insult to our intelligence.)
- School administration is a springboard for headmasters to enter politics.
- UMNO agenda is pushed by the administration.
- Poor community involvement.
- No independent board of governors.
- School does not encourage excellence in extra-curricular activities.
- School is extremely racially stratified. (eg. Head Prefect must be a Malay. etc.)
- Discipline is meted out according to race.
- Syllabus is inconclusive and heads nowhere.
- Overall academic achievement is poor.
- School puts emphasis on academic achievement but implements it poorly.
- Overt political inteference in many schools.
- Many have been converted into permanent BTN camps to indoctrinate, not to educate.
- Religious zealots have turned the schools into Islamic schools.
The numbers do all the talking don't they. National School score a dismal -12 and Vernacular Schools score a 5. Although Vernacular Schools have a long way to go in as far as improving the quality of education is concerned, they in the right side of the educational paradigm. National schools are heading in the wrong direction and as long as they are run similarly, they will remain to do so.
In the 1960's, most students attended National Schools. Vernacular school enrolment was poor. This was a concious effort by parents as the National Schools at that time were run professionally by Kirby trained teachers who taught an efficient syllabus that was relevant to the needs of the students. All of that is out the window now.
If the government wants vernacular schools to die out, rather than banning them and pissing off a whole section of the community (anyway banning them is unconstitutional.) they should improve National Schools. Once the national schooling system is back to it's best as it was in the 60's vernacular schools will die a natural death as parents will flock to national schools to give their children the best education they can afford.
May 13 - The Conspiracy, The Fiction and The Facts.
Many people are ignorant as to the actual events and happenings on May 13th 1969. The events leading up to it, including it and after it are just a blur because of 40 years of continuous whitewashing and blocking. The real events are shrouded in mystery to most and the truth of the matter was just revealed a few years back.
If you have read the book, May 13 by Dr. Kua Kia Soong then ignore this article. If not, pay attention closely because everything you thought you knew about the events surrounding that fateful die is a lie. Ask a man of the street as to what really happened on that day and more often then not, his response is going to be "Oh, itu Melayu bunuh Cina bunuh Melayu." The truth of the matter is far more disturbing and it goes some way towards explaining why we are where we are today.
Let's peer into the crystal ball shall we, in a journey into the past....
The year was 1969. Singapore had left the union four years ago. The 1964 racial riots which were orchestrated by UMNO in Singapore as a protest to then Singapore chief Minister Lee Kuan Yew's Malaysian Malaysia policy where he contended that all Malaysians should be treated as equals was bloody and still fresh on many people's minds. The root of that struggle and that decision is a different story altogether but now the actual background to the issues that arose later in that decade can be seen.
Between 1965 to 1967, there were many negotiations held between Singapore and Malaysia to maintain a unified currency and share certain public agencies like the UM, MSA (later MAS), Reserve Bank of Malaya and others, however severe communalist sentiment hampered the negotiations and UM was split into Universiti Malaya (based in KL) and the Singapore campus became NUS. Malayan-Singapore Airways became Malaysia Airlines and the Reserve Bank of Malaya became Bank Negara thus irrevocably divorcing Malaysia and Singapore.
Part of the 1963 Malaysia Agreement was that Singapore would help fund development in East Malaysia but after the secession of Singapore, that funding was cut off. The numerical advantage that non-malays had over malays in the 1964 election was also lost because of Singapore's secession. As such, UMNO began to be overtaken by a state-capitalist class led by Abdul Razak and Dr.Ismail. This class was always repressed by the Old Guard of UMNO led by Tunku as they tended to harp on more communal issues whereas the Old Guard was more interested in placating the MCA interests (which they held significant interests in as well.) As such, there was a great tension in UMNO throughout the late 1960's and many Malays felt divorced from the UMNO cause as many of Old Guard continued to neglect their interests.
The 1969 election was a significant one. Both the non-Malays and the Malays were extremely unhappy with the Alliance (as BN was known then). The non-Malays were unhappy with what they considered extreme discrimination in favour of the Malays in nearly every field whereas the Malays were generally unhappy about UMNO's lack of concern for the poor Malays. Many had seen no progress in the 12 years since independence and were losing faith with UMNO. Thus, the stage was set for a showdown. The pressure on Tunku was already building since the publication of the "Malay Dilemma" by Mahathir in the mid 60's. As such, he announced before the election that this would be his last election as the Prime Minister and he would step down after this. Abdul Razak then called on the public to give the Tunku a strong mandate as a retirement gift.
However, this was not enough. The non-Malays were extremely disaffected with the MCA/MIC and chose to throw their support behind the newly founded Gerakan and the heir to the PAP, the DAP. The Malays on the other hand, especially the ones in the East Coast and Northern parts of Malaysia decided to support the PMIP (PAS as it was known then.) The 1969 election was a disaster for the alliance as it lost it's two-thirds majority, the popular vote and the control of 3 state legislatures. UMNO was in turmoil.
Up to this, the official "history" is relatively accurate. However, from here to the 13th of May and beyond the official "history" papered over the actual truth. The following information have been gleaned from the despatches by foreign correspondents and ambassadors over the weeks up to and including May the 13th.
Exultant supporters of the DAP and Gerakan filled the streets of KL to celebrate their famous victory. The election campaign was of a deeply communal nature and served only to fuel racial tensions. Many foreign correspondents based in KL filed reports praising the Malaysian democratic system and predicted another five years of peace, prosperity and more effective, efficient government. Initially Tunku was disappointed but he soon conceded that the people wanted a strong opposition, which had been realised. On the 13th of May, MCA decided to withdraw from the cabinet while remaining in the Alliance. At UMNO HQ in Batu Road, the feeling was that democracy had gone too far. The political hegemony of UMNO was being threatened and a non-malay Menteri Besar for Perak and Selangor was very likely. UMNO Youth then decided to assemble at the residence of the then Selangor Menteri Besar, Harun Idris to demonstrate "support". Their assembly then turned into a riot which attacked Chinese business and homes throughout the city centre. One letter send by a British resident in KL who was sheltering 6 Chinese youths in her house to her MP in London was particularly impassionate and articulated the extent of the destruction the riot had caused the many unspeakable acts of terror perpetrated by the mob.
The majority Malay security forces professionalism was also questioned in the aftermath of the riots as many had "selectively" enforced the curfew as seen by foreign observers. On the 15th of May, Emergency was declared by the Yang Dipertuan Agong and all state legislatures and the Parliament was suspended. A National Operations Committee headed by Abdul Razak was formed and all local newspapers (the then honest, Straits Times included) were suspended. Censorship laws were quickly introduced and despite Tan Sri Hoffman's (The then editor of the Straits Times) impassionate pleas, were implemented. Many Opposition member's of Parliament were arrested under the ISA and many more confined to House Arrest. Abdul Razak and the new state-capitalist class of UMNO had assumed full power and it was just a matter of time until the Tunku was forced to resign. The military was given massive powers in the NOC and practically ran the civil service. Slowly, the picture began to clear. Abdul Razak was now running the country with the support of the police and the military. Although publicly he claimed responsibility to the Tunku, privately he had made it clear that only one person was in charge and that person was himself.
In summary, it is clear that the riots of May 1969 had led to the ascendance of the state capitalist class which controlled the NOC. It is also evident that the old aristocratic class under the Tunku had been eclipsed by the new Malay elite under the leadership of Razak. This new Malay ruling class largely maintained the Alliance Formula but enlarged it to incorporate more opposition parties. However, the predominance of UMNO within this larger coalition was unmistakable. The racial bloodbath and the state of emergency under military rule was intended to serve as a deterrent to any challenge to UMNO's dominance of the post 1969 Malaysian political landscape. The climate of terror and repression allowed the new regime to introduce and implement discriminatory Malay-centric economic, educational and cultural policies. These policies have been crucial in winning over the Malay masses to support the new Malay ruling class. At the same time, these discriminatory policies have been instrumental in facilitating the accumulation of capital by the new Malay capitalist class.
All the information above was drawn from Dr. Kua Kia Soong's book MAY 13 published by SUARAM. The book can be obtained for a nominal fee from Kinibooks.
If you have read the book, May 13 by Dr. Kua Kia Soong then ignore this article. If not, pay attention closely because everything you thought you knew about the events surrounding that fateful die is a lie. Ask a man of the street as to what really happened on that day and more often then not, his response is going to be "Oh, itu Melayu bunuh Cina bunuh Melayu." The truth of the matter is far more disturbing and it goes some way towards explaining why we are where we are today.
Let's peer into the crystal ball shall we, in a journey into the past....
The year was 1969. Singapore had left the union four years ago. The 1964 racial riots which were orchestrated by UMNO in Singapore as a protest to then Singapore chief Minister Lee Kuan Yew's Malaysian Malaysia policy where he contended that all Malaysians should be treated as equals was bloody and still fresh on many people's minds. The root of that struggle and that decision is a different story altogether but now the actual background to the issues that arose later in that decade can be seen.
Between 1965 to 1967, there were many negotiations held between Singapore and Malaysia to maintain a unified currency and share certain public agencies like the UM, MSA (later MAS), Reserve Bank of Malaya and others, however severe communalist sentiment hampered the negotiations and UM was split into Universiti Malaya (based in KL) and the Singapore campus became NUS. Malayan-Singapore Airways became Malaysia Airlines and the Reserve Bank of Malaya became Bank Negara thus irrevocably divorcing Malaysia and Singapore.
Part of the 1963 Malaysia Agreement was that Singapore would help fund development in East Malaysia but after the secession of Singapore, that funding was cut off. The numerical advantage that non-malays had over malays in the 1964 election was also lost because of Singapore's secession. As such, UMNO began to be overtaken by a state-capitalist class led by Abdul Razak and Dr.Ismail. This class was always repressed by the Old Guard of UMNO led by Tunku as they tended to harp on more communal issues whereas the Old Guard was more interested in placating the MCA interests (which they held significant interests in as well.) As such, there was a great tension in UMNO throughout the late 1960's and many Malays felt divorced from the UMNO cause as many of Old Guard continued to neglect their interests.
The 1969 election was a significant one. Both the non-Malays and the Malays were extremely unhappy with the Alliance (as BN was known then). The non-Malays were unhappy with what they considered extreme discrimination in favour of the Malays in nearly every field whereas the Malays were generally unhappy about UMNO's lack of concern for the poor Malays. Many had seen no progress in the 12 years since independence and were losing faith with UMNO. Thus, the stage was set for a showdown. The pressure on Tunku was already building since the publication of the "Malay Dilemma" by Mahathir in the mid 60's. As such, he announced before the election that this would be his last election as the Prime Minister and he would step down after this. Abdul Razak then called on the public to give the Tunku a strong mandate as a retirement gift.
However, this was not enough. The non-Malays were extremely disaffected with the MCA/MIC and chose to throw their support behind the newly founded Gerakan and the heir to the PAP, the DAP. The Malays on the other hand, especially the ones in the East Coast and Northern parts of Malaysia decided to support the PMIP (PAS as it was known then.) The 1969 election was a disaster for the alliance as it lost it's two-thirds majority, the popular vote and the control of 3 state legislatures. UMNO was in turmoil.
Up to this, the official "history" is relatively accurate. However, from here to the 13th of May and beyond the official "history" papered over the actual truth. The following information have been gleaned from the despatches by foreign correspondents and ambassadors over the weeks up to and including May the 13th.
Exultant supporters of the DAP and Gerakan filled the streets of KL to celebrate their famous victory. The election campaign was of a deeply communal nature and served only to fuel racial tensions. Many foreign correspondents based in KL filed reports praising the Malaysian democratic system and predicted another five years of peace, prosperity and more effective, efficient government. Initially Tunku was disappointed but he soon conceded that the people wanted a strong opposition, which had been realised. On the 13th of May, MCA decided to withdraw from the cabinet while remaining in the Alliance. At UMNO HQ in Batu Road, the feeling was that democracy had gone too far. The political hegemony of UMNO was being threatened and a non-malay Menteri Besar for Perak and Selangor was very likely. UMNO Youth then decided to assemble at the residence of the then Selangor Menteri Besar, Harun Idris to demonstrate "support". Their assembly then turned into a riot which attacked Chinese business and homes throughout the city centre. One letter send by a British resident in KL who was sheltering 6 Chinese youths in her house to her MP in London was particularly impassionate and articulated the extent of the destruction the riot had caused the many unspeakable acts of terror perpetrated by the mob.
The majority Malay security forces professionalism was also questioned in the aftermath of the riots as many had "selectively" enforced the curfew as seen by foreign observers. On the 15th of May, Emergency was declared by the Yang Dipertuan Agong and all state legislatures and the Parliament was suspended. A National Operations Committee headed by Abdul Razak was formed and all local newspapers (the then honest, Straits Times included) were suspended. Censorship laws were quickly introduced and despite Tan Sri Hoffman's (The then editor of the Straits Times) impassionate pleas, were implemented. Many Opposition member's of Parliament were arrested under the ISA and many more confined to House Arrest. Abdul Razak and the new state-capitalist class of UMNO had assumed full power and it was just a matter of time until the Tunku was forced to resign. The military was given massive powers in the NOC and practically ran the civil service. Slowly, the picture began to clear. Abdul Razak was now running the country with the support of the police and the military. Although publicly he claimed responsibility to the Tunku, privately he had made it clear that only one person was in charge and that person was himself.
In summary, it is clear that the riots of May 1969 had led to the ascendance of the state capitalist class which controlled the NOC. It is also evident that the old aristocratic class under the Tunku had been eclipsed by the new Malay elite under the leadership of Razak. This new Malay ruling class largely maintained the Alliance Formula but enlarged it to incorporate more opposition parties. However, the predominance of UMNO within this larger coalition was unmistakable. The racial bloodbath and the state of emergency under military rule was intended to serve as a deterrent to any challenge to UMNO's dominance of the post 1969 Malaysian political landscape. The climate of terror and repression allowed the new regime to introduce and implement discriminatory Malay-centric economic, educational and cultural policies. These policies have been crucial in winning over the Malay masses to support the new Malay ruling class. At the same time, these discriminatory policies have been instrumental in facilitating the accumulation of capital by the new Malay capitalist class.
All the information above was drawn from Dr. Kua Kia Soong's book MAY 13 published by SUARAM. The book can be obtained for a nominal fee from Kinibooks.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
